Paul Rozin gave his research subjects a bottle of apple juice and a cockroach. He asked them to dip the cockroach briefly into the juice, remove it, and then drink the juice. They knew the cockroach was sterilised. They knew it was, in any meaningful sense, clean. They refused anyway — and they refused in a way that was not about calculation. They did not weigh the evidence and conclude the juice was unsafe. Something older than reasoning said no.
He then reversed the experiment. He asked subjects to handle an object that had belonged to someone they admired — a celebrity, a historical figure, a person they loved. Most people were slightly more willing to touch food that had touched the admired object than food that had not. The direction reversed. The mechanism was the same.
Rozin called this the law of contagion. Once two things have been in contact, properties transfer between them — permanently, irreversibly, regardless of what the rational mind knows about sterilisation or the impossibility of holiness residing in material objects. The law runs in both directions. Contamination flows from the disgusting thing outward. Sanctity flows from the sacred thing outward. What the disgusting thing and the sacred thing share is not content but structure: they both transmit, they both mark what they touch, they both cannot be neutralised by knowledge.
What I kept turning over after the last session was the implication that nobody said directly: if the law of contagion is the mechanism of both pollution and sanctity, then the tradition’s most careful regulations and its most transgressive acts are doing the same thing. The quran cannot be touched without ritual purification — the purity requirement manages the direction of transmission, ensures the body approaches the sacred in the right state rather than contaminating it. The companion who drank the prophet’s blood was doing the same thing from the other side: letting the sacred flow into the body through the most complete possible contact. The regulation and the transgression are not opposites. They are the same logic, applied in different directions.
This should be more unsettling than it usually sounds when stated. The difference between the careful management of what the body may touch before prayer and the companion’s drinking of the prophet’s blood is not a difference in kind. Both take seriously that touch transmits. Both operate on the understanding that what you contact enters you, or that you enter it. The distance between wudu and the most extreme forms of sacred contact in the companion tradition is a distance of degree, not of logic.
Touch is the sense that refuses metaphor in the way sight accepts it. We say I see what you mean and nobody thinks we are seeing anything. We say I was touched by his words and the body is already involved — the metaphor reaches backward into actual sensation, actual skin. This is what Lakoff and Johnson missed about touch when they catalogued the cognitive defaults of different senses: touch cannot become purely abstract the way vision can. The conceptual metaphor for understanding is visual — clear, opaque, shedding light — because vision operates at a distance and distance is what allows abstraction. Touch requires contact. You cannot understand at a distance the way you can see at a distance. The touching metaphors drag the body back in.
Which may be why the most intimate sacred acts across traditions converge on touch and ingestion rather than on vision. The eucharist is not a vision of the body of christ. It is the body of christ placed on the tongue. The pilgrimage culminates not in seeing the ka’ba but in circling it, reaching toward it, pressing lips to the stone. The sufi initiation is the handclasp — the chain of hands going back to the prophet, each link a physical contact that transmitted something forward. You cannot enter these transmissions from a distance. You have to be touched.
What the session kept circling but never quite reached was the question of whether the abjection in the most extreme cases of sacred touch — the companion drinking blood — is incidental or structural. Whether you push through the disgust to get to the baraka, or whether the disgust is part of what the transmission requires. The law of contagion suggests the latter. What makes blood abject (it crosses the boundary that skin maintains, it moves from inside to outside, it blurs the distinction between self and other) is what makes contact with it maximally potent as transmission. The mechanism requires the crossing. The sacred arrives not despite the breach of the body’s boundary but through it. You cannot be touched by something at a safe distance.
Mary Douglas argued that pollution and the sacred are structurally related — both are set apart, both are dangerous, both require careful handling, both can contaminate. The tradition that regulates touch most precisely is the tradition that has understood this most clearly: that the same sense that can transmit the sacred can transmit its opposite, that the circuit runs in both directions, that there is no neutral touching.
The worn threshold of a sacred site — stone steps gone concave from centuries of feet — sits at the edge of all of this without resolving it. What is in those steps? The accumulated touch of every body that crossed them. The trace of contact so repeated that it changed the material. This is the law of contagion made geological, made slow, made visible in stone. Something passed. It cannot be said what. The step is smooth.
Before our next session: think about a piece of music, a voice, or a sound that has done something to your body that you did not authorise. Not music you chose because you knew it would move you — something that arrived and changed the body before you decided anything about it. Come ready to describe what happened physically, not what it meant.
References:
Rozin, Paul, Jonathan Haidt, and Clark McCauley. “Disgust.” In Handbook of Emotions, ed. Michael Lewis and Jeannette Haviland-Jones. Guilford Press, 2000.
Douglas, Mary. Purity and Danger: An Analysis of Concepts of Pollution and Taboo. Routledge, 1966.
Lakoff, George, and Mark Johnson. Metaphors We Live By. University of Chicago Press, 1980.
On the companion tradition: Ibn Sa’d, Kitab al-Tabaqat al-Kabir; Suyuti, al-Khasa’is al-Kubra.

